الأحد، 23 يونيو 2019

Devils land P.K. Subban from Predators in first blockbuster trade of 2019 NHL Draft

Devils land P.K. Subban from Predators in first blockbuster trade of 2019 NHL Draft


So much for a quiet 2019 NHL Draft on the trade front.
A day after the first round of this weekend's event came and went without anything close to a significant veteran swap, the Nashville Predators have shipped All-Star defenseman P.K. Subban to the New Jersey Devils.
First reported by TSN's Pierre LeBrun, the move comes the same week Subban's name was floated in the "trade-sphere," with TSN's Bob McKenzie suggesting the Predators were looking to clear salary cap space for either a pending free agent or Roman Josi contract extension. As reported by The Athletic's Corey Masisak, Subban's departure to New Jersey reads like exactly that -- a salary dump -- with the Devils sending Steven Santini, Jeremy Davies and two second-round draft picks to Nashville for the veteran blue-liner.
After the Devils announced the trade, Subban took to social media to thank the Nashville fans and organization, and also celebrate the trade with his dogs:
As part of the deal, per Sportsnet's Elliotte Friedman, the Devils will absorb all of the remainder of Subban's contract, which he inked with the Montreal Canadiens back in 2014 and will cost $9 million in each of the next three seasons. In return, however, they'll get one of the NHL's most established defensemen, who's totaled more than 50 points in four of his last six years.
A three-time All-Star and former Norris Trophy winner who spent the first seven years of his NHL career with the Canadiens, Subban isn't necessarily entering his prime at age 30, and he's played fewer than 70 games in three of his last four seasons. But he immediately upgrades New Jersey's blue line at the cost of two borderline NHL prospects and a pair of second-rounders, one of which comes in 2020, just two years after helping the Predators advance to the Stanley Cup Final. Also among the league's most colorful personalities, he was last traded in 2016, when Nashville acquired him in a swap for Shea Weber.

Fight world crushes Paulie Malignaggi after stunning loss to Artem Lobov at Bare Knuckle FC 6

Fight world crushes Paulie Malignaggi after stunning loss to Artem Lobov at Bare Knuckle FC 6
Artem Lobov, a former UFC fighter, and Paulie Malignaggi, hyped up their Bare Knuckle FC 6 fight with a number of fiery press conferences and threats of severe bodily harm, which led to Saturday night’s event to being highly anticipated by lots of different fight fans.
In the end, the fight was a dud that ended with a big upset, as Lobov beat Malignaggi via unanimous decision.
Even more incredibly, there was no post-fight brawl between the two camps, which became heated rivals thanks to Conor McGregor, who famously trashed Malignaggi after sparring with him while training for his fight with Floyd Mayweather. Lobov and McGregor are good friends and somehow this fight became a real thing that happened.
Saturday night’s event in Florida might not have ended the way many tuning in would have hoped, but fans, media and other fighters were still in impressed with what Lobov pulled off:



الجمعة، 21 يونيو 2019

“Toy Story 4” Plays It Again

“Toy Story 4” Plays It Again

Though hardly the freshest film in the series, the latest in the Pixar saga puts half of Hollywood’s allegedly grownup films to shame.


Three stooges, four Gospels. Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse, preferably with four horses attached. Nine lives per cat. Some statistics are set in stone, and admirers of the “Toy Story” franchise have spent years under the distinct impression that “Toy Story 3” (2010) marked the end of the affair. Nobody watching “The Lord of the Rings: The Return of the King” (2003) envisaged a quiet coda, in which Frodo Baggins retrains as a chiropodist, and few of us, similarly, were banking on the revival of Woody, Buzz, and the gang. Yet here they are, in “Toy Story 4,” and here we go again.
Cynics, hunting for a motive behind this fourth installment, will note that the first three films raked in nearly two billion dollars. (And that’s not counting the merchandisers who got to work, selling toys based on toys to toy collectors. Tough gig.) The promise of further raking must have been hard to resist. Narratologists will try a different tack, asking how conclusive the trilogy really was. Toys that were loved and lost, then found and loved again, during “Toy Story” (1995) and “Toy Story 2” (1999), wound up, as the third movie drew to a close, not unloved but loved by someone new—a child other than their original owner. This consoling, not to say karmic, sendoff was widely hailed as peak Pixar; only a company from the Bay Area could have spawned the concept that love means regular recycling. So, how about one more spin for luck?
“Toy Story 4” is directed by Josh Cooley, and it must be said that, for a while, the tale doesn’t seem like the freshest that Pixar has ever told. Woody (voiced by Tom Hanks, as ever), Buzz Lightyear (Tim Allen), and their bunch of pals are forced to adjust when young Bonnie (Madeleine McGraw), in whose bedroom they reside, departs for orientation day at kindergarten and returns with a toy—or a thingamajig—that she has made. His name is Forky (Tony Hale), he was put together from cutlery, pipe cleaners, and goggly eyes, and he clings to a fervent belief that he is trash. Time and again, despite not having read Dostoyevsky, he has to be stopped from throwing himself away. Parents with children of Bonnie’s age may find these scenes difficult to explain.
What’s familiar here is not the plot but the emotional texture. Bonnie’s feelings are invested in Forky, and the other toys are pushed to one side—not superseded, exactly, just not as super as they used to be. The trouble is that this exclusion drama is a retread of the original “Toy Story,” in which Woody had to make way for the splendiferous Buzz. Likewise, when some of Bonnie’s toys get trapped in an antique store, two more pre-used tropes come into play. First, inherited from “Toy Story 2,” is the notion of toys becoming vintage items, and second is the discomforting presence of über-toys, who lord it over the meeker types and forbid them basic liberties. In “Toy Story 3,” that dark political privilege fell to a fluffy bear who smelled of strawberries; this time, authority rests with Gabby Gabby (Christina Hendricks), a glass-eyed doll of yesteryear, who has a busted voice box and badly needs a working one to replace it. Like Woody’s.
Gabby Gabby is guarded by henchmen: ventriloquist’s dummies whose lurching gait suggests that, in a far-off act of vengeance, a gangster doll broke their legs. If I were six years old, I’d crouch under my seat at the sight of them, although, as viewers of “Dead of Night” (1945) can tell you, automatonophobia is nothing new. What is fresh about “Toy Story 4”—what corrals a sheepish story and goads it into action—is Bo Peep (Annie Potts). Absent from the previous film, she rocks up here as a rogue toy, who has gone awol, ditched her polka-dotted skirt for blue pants, and overcome the addictive need to be owned. She is now, in the truest sense, self-possessed. Even more amazing, to Woody’s disbelief, she appears to like it that way.
I have admired Bo Peep since the start of “Toy Story,” when she sashayed past a stack of alphabet bricks, glanced back at Woody, and crooned, “I’m just a couple of blocks away.” I remember thinking, O.K., it’s going to be that sort of movie: smart and shiny, with wits like pushpins and eyes peeled for every possible gag. Give me more. What I didn’t foresee was that, in the ensuing years, the “Toy Story” saga would dig around in the treasure chest of our lifelong obsessions—friendship, loss, the joyous longevity of our attachments, and, conversely, the dread of obsolescence—and, in the process, put to shame half of the allegedly grownup films that Hollywood supplies. The heart has its reasons, and those reasons have been most searchingly explored not by romantic comedies, snuffling weepies, or the phantasmagoria of Marvel but by the exploits of a battery-powered spaceman and a cowboy with a pull string in his back.
Thus, as Cooley’s film quickens and deepens, we get a fabulous running joke about the “inner voice,” a staple of American self-will since the days of Emerson. Buzz is advised to harken to his voice before making any decisions, and so he keeps jabbing at the button on his chest—the one that issues astro-commands, instructing him to return to base, or whatever. “Thanks, Inner Voice!” he cries, and sprints off. Will the purveyors of self-help books, and their millions of pliable readers, curl up like snails as they watch him? I hope so. Then, there’s a new toy in town: Duke Caboom, Canada’s answer to Evel Knievel, sublimely voiced by Keanu Reeves, and stricken by the awareness that he cannot perform the stunts for which he was designed. Tell me about it.
The climax of “Toy Story 4” takes place in an amusement park, with a giddy carrousel and a nod to “Strangers on a Train” (1951). Pixar likes to dish out an extra treat during the end credits, and I was wondering what form of farewell we’d get on this occasion. An environmental envoi, perhaps, with Buzz washed up on a beach alongside other jetsam, or clogging the gullet of a whale? (After all, the durable quality of plastic, once a bonus, is now perceived as a global threat.) In the event, we get something sadder still. Stick around, and you will be rewarded with a brief but remarkable conversation on the nature of existence. One toy poses a question, which I will not disclose, and another replies, “I don’t know.” Socrates would be proud of them. To unfathomability, and beyond! And that, at last, for now, is that.
A bold young woman, from a lowly background, gets to sing at the Grand Ole Opry. That was what happened to Loretta Lynn, played by Sissy Spacek, in “Coal Miner’s Daughter” (1980), and it happens to Rose-Lynn Harlan, played by Jessie Buckley, in “Wild Rose.” One small discrepancy: the Grand Ole Opry in the first film was the Opry, in Nashville, Tennessee, whereas the Opry in the new film is in Glasgow, Scotland, next to a hair-and-beauty salon called Indulge.
It doesn’t take long, in Tom Harper’s movie, to learn quite a bit about Rose-Lynn. Within five minutes, we see her being fitted with an electronic ankle monitor, leaving jail (we know nothing as yet of her crime), having sex in a public park, and showing up at the house where her two children, aged eight and five, have been cared for by her mother, Marion (Julie Walters). Rose-Lynn has almost forgotten how to talk to her own kids.
She gets a job as a cleaner, in a plush home with electronic gates. Her employer is the graceful Susannah (Sophie Okonedo), and you can feel the gulf that separates them—the unbridgeable distance between what each of them has been taught to expect from life—in the clash of Susannah’s cheerful English tones and the thorny roughness of Rose-Lynn’s Glaswegian brogue. Her plan is to fly to Nashville and seek her fate, and she bluntly proposes that Susannah, who is surrounded by costly things, should give her loads of money to go there: “All the wee smelly candles burning everywhere an’ bottled water an’ all that, you know, you wouldn’t miss it. I’ll be old an’ gray before I save the money, whereas you—you could just drink oot of the tap.” No arguing with that.
Guess what? The plan comes to pass, though not in the way that Rose-Lynn anticipated. Harper’s film, written by Nicole Taylor, is an odd concoction. On the one hand, it obeys the standard doctrine of follow-your-dream. Notice the sunlight, for example, that hazes the heroine’s face as she carols “Peace in This House,” and listen to Susannah giving her the big boost—“There is nothing you can’t do. This is your time.” On the other hand, we have Jessie Buckley, who, in adding “Wild Rose” to her leading role in “Beast” (2018), confirms that she is a specialist in the untamed. (Next year, she’ll star with Robert Downey, Jr., in “The Voyage of Doctor Dolittle.” More wildlife.) As Rose-Lynn, stomping along in white cowboy boots, she is ballsy and fiery, at once wised up and dangerously immature. Does she sing “I’m Movin’ On” while vacuuming the rug, whipping the power cord like a lasso? Damn right she does. Would Woody, from “Toy Story,” take one look at her and ride for the hills? Yes, sir. ♦


Trump's Iran strikes U-turn underscores war and peace dilemma

Trump's Iran strikes U-turn underscores war and peace dilemma
The White House's abrupt decision to pull back on retaliatory strikes on Iran that had already been ordered underscores how Tehran's downing of a US drone leaves Trump with no risk-free options. Each conceivable military or diplomatic response is likely to provoke a further Iranianescalation that would deepen the increasingly grave standoff.
The President is caught between Republicans demanding a hawkish response, Democrats warning he could "bumble" into war and Iranian policy hardliners on his own national security staff who welcome the confrontation. There is no obvious outcome that gives him the clear political win that is a frequent motivating force behind his foreign policy ventures.
    Asked which way he would turn on Thursday, Trump told reporters, "You'll find out" -- without giving any sign he had settled in his mind on US retaliation.
    Trump ultimately ordered attacks on a handful of targets including Iranian missile batteries but the operation was called off as it was about to begin, a US official with direct knowledge of the situation told CNN. It was not immediately clear whether Trump changed his mind about the US operation, first reported by the New York Times, or whether some other significant event took place in the region that is not yet publicly known about shifted his calculation.
    It's often been remarked in Washington that Trump has been lucky not to face a sudden, serious national security emergency so far in his presidency. Well, his luck has now run out -- though he will get little sympathy from critics who long predicted his hard line Iran policy would precipitate exactly this scenario.
    The worsening crisis will subject his chaos-riddled administration to an unprecedented test of cohesion. Trump may need to call on allies he has spent months insulting. His trashing of truth and an amateurish public relations effort to build a case against Iran may undermine his chances of selling potentially dangerous action to the American people.

    Which way will Trump turn?

    Usually, a good guide to Trump's future action on foreign policy is to identify the course that will most swiftly benefit him politically.
    But the current crisis appears to draw two aspects of the President's personal interests into conflict.
    Avoiding foreign entanglements is a core principle of Trumpism. The President doesn't even want US in peacetime deployments in allied nations, let alone at war in the Gulf.
    But even a "proportional" US military response, like shooting down an Iranian drone or attacking the base that fired the missile that brought down the US aircraft, would likely force the Islamic Republic to up the stakes considerably again. Trump would inevitably be drawn deeper into the quicksand of the Middle East.
    The President also has his own image and credibility to consider.
    Failing to respond to Iran's escalation would add to a growing impression that Trump's "fire and fury" rhetoric and strongman persona rarely translates into action. He knows that foreign powers such as China, North Korea and Russia are watching carefully. He'd hate to to look weak heading into meetings at the upcoming G20 summit in Japan with Presidents Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping.
    This is a much sharper quandary than when Trump fired cruise missiles into Syria in 2018 after a chemical weapons attack to enforce a red line that former President Barack Obama let slide.
    Then, Trump savored a quick political payoff after one-upping Obama, looked tough and knew there was little risk of retaliation that could endanger Americans or deepen the crisis.
    None of those easy wins are on offer with Iran.
    "He has got a very difficult decision to make," said Jeh Johnson, a former Obama secretary of Homeland Security who was also a top Pentagon lawyer, on "The Situation Room with Wolf Blitzer."
    "His instincts are no foreign engagements yet someone took an action against our forces there and the President has an obligation to protect forces deployed in the Gulf, in the Strait."
    "He is wrestling with a tough decision. It is much easier to start one of these fights than to end one," said Johnson.

    A classic Presidential conundrum

    For perhaps the first time, Trump is being forced to agonize over a classic presidential problem -- one that has no good outcomes and ends up on the President's desk because everyone else has failed to solve it.
    Trump often has a deeply idiosyncratic concept of the US national interest -- when he takes it into consideration at all on a thorny foreign policy question.
    But this is different. American lives may well rest on his response. The nation could be sliding towards a major war with a power that is far more capable than Iraq -- which managed to bog down US troops for a decade. A prolonged conflict with Iran could unleash geopolitical and domestic forces that could destroy his presidency if it goes wrong.
    Trump leads from the gut, disdains detail and often appears to handle crises by saying or doing whatever it takes to get to the end of the day. This building crisis requires study, strategic thinking three, four or five steps ahead and an evaluation of the cascade of consequences that could unfold from any course of action.
    National security emergencies often stretch an administration to its limits and require a unity of purpose and inter-agency cohesion that Trump has gone out of his way to undermine.
    So far, in the hours since an Iranian missile brought down the $110 million surveillance drone over the Gulf of Oman, Trump has been -- perhaps surprisingly -- slow to pull the trigger.
    He has controlled his impulsive instincts in an out-of-character show of restraint from a man who Hillary Clinton said should be kept from the nuclear codes as he could be baited by a tweet.
    Trump, as other Presidents would have done, sought to buy himself time and political space ahead of Situation Room meetings with military and political advisers. He prudently brought congressional leaders into the loop.
    He suggested the incident could have been the work of a "loose" rogue general, dismissing the Washington consensus that Iran was deliberating ratcheting up its leverage to test him.
    "I find it hard to believe it was intentional," Trump said.
    It was unclear if the President was speaking after seeing intelligence that suggested divides in the Iranian chain of command or was positing a scenario that could offer him a way out of escalating the confrontation with Iran.
    One clear problem for Trump is that while he may wish to de-escalate tensions with Iran, there may be little incentive for Tehran to cooperate.
    That's because US sanctions under Trump's maximum pressure campaign have strangled the Iranian economy and caused serious deprivation amid the population.
    Recent incidents, including the downing of the drone, attacks on shipping in the Gulf of Oman, and the Islamic Republic's warning that it will break international limits on uranium enrichment, appear to be an attempt to impose consequent costs on the US.
    So without an alleviation of sanctions -- that Washington is in no mood to offer or a significant offer from Trump to bring Iran to the table -- it may be locked into its current course.
    Even then, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has said that Trump's decision to pull out of Obama's nuclear deal means Washington can never be trusted in a dialogue again.

    Trump could 'bumble into war'

    Unusually, Trump's mood on the day after the drone attack appeared to be more in tune with that of Democrats than the Republican senators who rarely break from the President.
    House Speaker Nancy Pelosi emerged from an administration briefing of top congressional leaders looking grave. She said she didn't think Trump wanted war but added: "The high-tension wires are up in the region. We must de-escalate."
    Pelosi later went to the White House to meet Trump along with the top Senate Democrat Chuck Schumer and other congressional leaders from both parties.
    "The President may not intend to go to war here but we're worried that he and the administration may bumble into a war," Schumer told reporters after the meeting.
    But the President is already under pressure for a robust military response from Republicans.
    "I would encourage forceful action to stop this behavior before it leads to wider conflict," said South Carolina Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham, one of Trump's closest friends on Capitol Hill.
    "Doing nothing has its own consequence. If you do nothing, the Iranians see us as weak," Graham said, calling for strikes against Iranian naval vessels in the Strait of Hormuz.
    Republican Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida tweeted that while the administration did not want war with Iran, "it has also made clear that it will respond forcefully to an attack."
    Washington buzzed with speculation on Thursday about Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Trump's national security adviser John Bolton who are seen as drivers of the tough US Iran policy.
    Critics charge the pair, who replaced officials who opposed Trump's decision to pull out of the Iran nuclear deal, with creating the crisis through their advice to Trump.
    But Brian Hook, the US special envoy for Iran, this week insisted that despite Iranian provocations, the administration's policy was working and had weakened Iran.
    He fueled an impression that parts of the administration welcome the showdown, after disputing the notion that the Iran deal had at least frozen the question of an Iranian bomb for a decade.
    "Rather than wait for all of these things to come to pass in 10 years when Iran is stronger, we have pulled that forward," Hook told a House Foreign Affairs subcommittee on Wednesday.
      "I truly believe that everything we are seeing today is inevitable," he said.
      This is one problem that will not be solved with a tweet and is asking questions of the President that he has never faced before.